43rd Ward and Chicago Republicans leader files info request, picks up a bundle of vote fraud evidence.
First reported by the Chicago City Wire, the Chicago GOP filed a Freedom of Information Act request with the Chicago Board of Elections in January for a list of voters who had cast ballots in November. According to the party, the board responded with a list of 1,101,178 individuals, though its website reflects 1,115,664 votes cast.
“There should be never be more votes than voters—every ballot cast should be recorded against a registered voter,” Chairman of the Chicago GOP Chris Cleveland told Fox News, explaining that after receiving the data, the party “immediately” contacted the board for “clarification.” “This is either massive fraud or massive incompetence, but we have no way of telling the difference because they won’t give us the data.”
It’s a variation on the old “Why are there more horse’s asses than there are horses?”
This time . . . oh I don’t have to explain it, do I?
ROCKFORD, Ill. — A police officer in Rockford has delivered his son in a hotel parking lot in the northern Illinois city.
Not on your tintype. The mother did the delivering, he did the receiving. I know, having done same for loving mother of our second in an Oak Park bedroom 45 years ago the 22nd of this month.
We called her Kathryn after Kathryn O’Connell Bowman, my mother, who was still living at the time. The first Kathryn became Kate, ours became Katie.
That said, nice job, officer. You the best.
. . . becoming a social agency or ally of political or military pursuers of justice. From Ivereigh, Austen. The Great Reformer: Francis and the Making of a Radical Pope (Kindle Locations 2414-2423). Henry Holt and Co.. Kindle Edition.
The Society of Jesus declared itself a social justice seeker in its 32nd General Council in 1974 after the pope had warned them:
The decree had been driven . . . by a group of French-speaking Europeans and Canadians, for whom it was vital to see the struggle for justice not as something outside religion but integral to it.
For the Latin-American delegates, . . . the decree offered, . . . , little new. But [it] . . . appeared to have few safeguards against being turned into an ideology; it was the fruit of a last-minute amalgamation of two texts, and vulnerable to a selective reading.
Bergoglio [Francis] saw two risks with it: one was of forcing Jesuits into bed with political movements pursuing justice (by what other means or agency were “unjust structures” to be tackled?); the second was the loss of identity of which Pope Paul had warned.
Where did evangelization and priesthood fit in? Which came first? What stopped a Jesuit from being merely a political campaigner or social worker?
Whatever the other Latin-American delegates made of it, “Bergoglio did not have much sympathy for that Decree Four [which embraced social-justice seeking as essential],” recalls Father Swinnen [his successor as novice master at the time]. “When he was speaking to the novices he didn’t quote it.”
He took these distinctions quite seriously, Ivereigh tells us.